By Hamried Ansari
Publication via Ansari, Hamried
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Extra info for Egypt, the stalled society
All the institutions of the statethe provincial bureaucracy, the secret police, the army, the party, and the office of the presidentbecame involved in collecting information on the illegal activities of the feudalists. The HCLF included Marshal 'Amer, Vice President 'Ali Sabri, and Minister of the Interior Sha'rawi Gom'a, among other top-ranking elite. Throughout the sixteen agricultural provinces, the HCLF brought charges against the so-called feudalists that led in many cases to banishment from villages, land expropriation, and dismissal from government services.
What do I mean by the failure of reforms? Again, the example of Egypt may serve as a model for countries with a radical past. The economic policies during the Nasserist regime shifted in the 1960s from relying heavily on limited agrarian reforms, domestic savings, and investment in the private sector to a socialist strategy, whose aim was to maintain equity through redistribution based on dispossessing the urban and landed bourgeoisie. Growth and equity, however, proved difficult to maintain simultaneously.
Chapter 7 looks at the deNasserization trends by examining the various desequestration laws and their effects on both Nasser's beneficiaries and his erstwhile victims. The aim of the chapter is to reveal how Sadat unwittingly set the stage for the return of the prerevolutionary elites centered around the New Wafd. Chapter 8 focuses on the exacerbation of social conflicts both at the national and subnational levels. The second trial of Kamshish to condemn those responsible for the tortures committed in 1966, the People's Assembly's hearings on the atrocities committed against the rural elites during the HCLF's investigations, the Food Riots in 1977, and the conflict between landlords and tenants over rent controls are all part of my explanation of the extent and limits of the deradicalization trends.